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At least this is what Isabeau describes in a letter written later, on September 20, , to Henry V. He repeatedly postponed the promised meeting; as Isabeau notes in the same letter to Henry V, the dauphin delayed again and again.

Even if the dauphin were sincere, concludes Bonenfant, his Armagnac counselors never would have permitted such an arrangement, for they would have continued to fear Jean sans Peur, given his long tradition of monopolizing power.

Bonenfant speculates that the dauphin had decided to give in to public pressure to join the king, queen, and Duke of Burgundy by meeting with Jean sans Peur, but with the intention of murdering him: Nothing would prevent the dauphin and the Armagnacs from marching on Troyes and seizing her and the king.

The chancery was busy night and day preparing letters to be sent out to the towns of the realm, requesting them to remain loyal to the king. Regarding this, many great troubles and irreparable hardships will be likely to occur, troubles greater than before, to the shame of the perpetrators and detriment of Monsieur the Dauphin especially, presumed heir to the kingdom, to succeed the king our sovereign lord, to whom there will now be less aid and favor and more enemies and adversaries than before.

In vengeful fury, Parisians rounded up and executed partisans of the dauphin, according to Monstrelet.

Pol, earlier named lieutenant of Paris by Jean sans Peur, pledging to fight against the malfaiteurs responsible for the death of the duke.

The Parisians feared that the Armagnacs would now team up with the English. As for Isabeau, now that her hopes of a joint Armagnac-Burgundian army to defeat the English were extinguished, she too feared becoming the victim of an alliance, but one between Henry V and the new Duke of Burgundy, Philip.

At least this appears to be the case, judging by her attempt to take up negotiations with the English king. At Gisors the group was stunned to learn that Henry was demanding nothing less than the crown for himself in return for an alliance.

In Paris, the Count of St. Jean sans Peur was buried on October 22 at the cathedral of St. Vaast in Arras, while the new Duke of Burgundy for his part circulated in his territories, making entries and gathering the support of his followers for the struggles to come.

At this point, Philip was still unaware of the demands that Henry V was making. This alone would have sufficed to determine the answer without hesitation.

Philip had made his choice: As Bonenfant observes, it has always been assumed that the queen acceded easily to the agreement at this point.

But the historian demonstrates that this was not the case. I review them in what follows. A letter patent of November 7, which she issued in the name of the king, bears witness to her opposition.

On the one hand, the letter patent grants Philip the power to conclude a general truce with the English: Obviously this limited authority threatened to stall negotiations with the English.

After the murder of Jean sans Peur, Marguerite, planning to go to Troyes herself, had called up men-at-arms to accompany her to Troyes, undoubtedly to guarantee that the queen remain in place, although the duchess fell sick and was not able to make the trip as planned.

For at that precise moment, she had entered into contact once again with the dauphin. On December 21, the dauphin responded to a no-longer extant letter from her, explaining that he had dispatched a messenger to her who would speak to her about the secret matters she had touched on in an earlier message to him.

Charles had called on Regnier Pot to deliver a message to Philip on October 15, in which he reproached the duke for negotiating with the English.

Regnier Pot, then, was in the thick of the intrigue. Why was the agreement not realized? One may have been that she was intimidated into her final capitulation to the Burgundians.

The claim has been dismissed as Armagnac propaganda or wishful thinking or perhaps as an offer of a way out for Isabeau.

Thus she would not have been able to discern what was true and what was being said to persuade her to comply. The accusation cannot be wholly true.

Still, like the argument that she was being held prisoner, it may be understood as revealing a partial truth: We know that the Duke of Burgundy fed her stories.

Surrounded by Burgundians determined to persuade her to come to their side and lacking the details necessary to decide whom to trust, Isabeau would have been unable to make an informed decision.

She would have had no good reason to trust Charles and his followers: Bonenfant points out how odd it is that Henry V would send an individual to the court of Troyes in an age when embassies commonly numbered about half a dozen.

Clearly the king chose Louis Robersart carefully: As Bonenfant writes, he was a native of Hainaut and his first language was French; he was related to the House of Bavaria, belonging to the same branch of Wittelsbach as the Duchess of Burgundy; and having served the king of England for twenty-five years, he possessed English citizenship.

Furthermore, there was the question of money. Isabeau had virtually no funds remaining. A long tradition reproaches the queen for her desire to provide for herself and her household.

She did not have the luxury of worrying simply about feeding herself. The Treaty of Troyes, finally signed on May 20, , was not viewed as a disaster by everyone.

Many Parisians were very happy to receive the news. Fauquembergue relates that on Monday, April 30, an assembly including the Count of St.

And, to avoid the desolation and destruction of the kingdom, of its common good and that of his true and loyal subjects.

The group responded enthusiastically, demonstrating their approval: That Isabeau disinherited her son as a bastard in the Treaty of Troyes came to be believed only after her death.

But, as we saw, the interpretation cannot be justified, for the term was part of standard insult vocabulary, meaning that the bearer of a title was unfit.

A voice was raised, that of an opposition that we can call national. The protestation issuing from this voice that was indisputably patriotic held that under no circumstances was it licit to favor the foreigner against the country, and that in the face of unbridled imperialism it was necessary to halt partisan sentiments, silence individual preferences, deliberately sacrifice particular interests, and rein in self-interest, even collective.

The Armagnacs would have had little justification to continue their struggle had Charles been embedded in the Burgundian cause, and the double monarchy of Henry V would have been impossible.

After the Cabochian revolt, Louis assumed that the Armagancs were likely to remain in power and decided that they therefore represented the better risk.

It was not clear to those on the ground in around that Charles would become a rallying point around which patriotism would develop. From a contemporary perspective, the dauphin had inherited a feud: Loyalty to the Armagnacs cannot be understood, then, uncritically, as a form of nationalism or patriotism.

Arguments that the king could not legally disinherit his son, promoted from on, represented the position of a significant population. Still, the passionate mutual hatred expressed by supporters of the factions did not derive from political ideology but followed the logic of a feud.

A variety of different interests were latched on to one or the other of the factions for reasons of kinship and local interests. That the struggle as Isabeau experienced it was waged as a feud between warring factions is supported by an examination of what motivated the different houses to join forces with one or the other of the two parties.

The most obvious reason was close familial ties. On the Burgundian side, too, followers were motivated by family interest rather than ideological commitment.

Marguerite of Burgundy solicited Pope Martin V to declare that the dauphin perjured the oath he swore at Pouilly.

But the Pope declined, mindful that his own candidate for the kingship of Naples was the son of Yolande of Anjou. Even the Pope thought first of kinship.

The Burgundians had also depended on the support of the Duke of Lorraine. Calling on the cities for their support, he requested aid for the seigneurie of his father, which was being damaged by rebels.

His appeal was never cast in terms of patriotism; it was never a call to rise up and defend the patrie: The effect of the binary is to reinforce the impression that the feud can be viewed from a patriotic perspective, with the Armagnacs representing the beleaguered nation.

However, this is not accurate. Northern chroniclers refer to the Armagnacs as foreigners, in contrast with themselves, pointing to their bizarre language and birthplace in distant lands.

Indeed, individual cities within the French kingdom were divided. On the contrary, the popular outrage that erupted into violence against the Armagnac officiers of the king suggests the dispute was experienced as local in nature.

Partout on prenoit les gens du Roy, qui au temps estoyaient officiers, et leur cuppoit-on les testes, et pilloit, et robboit-on leurs biens. This outrage followed from the harsh rule and destruction attributed to the Armagnacs, who themselves feared and despised the Burgundians.

The Armagnac faction had been thoroughly discredited by its ruthless suppression of the Parisians when it gained power after the Cabochian revolt. Ever attempting to chart a path between the Scylla of the Armagnacs and the Charybdis of the Burgundians, she had allied herself with the Armagnacs after the Cabochian uprising.

But finding herself trapped in a feud she could not contain, she labored to transcend the factions. The goal proved to be illusory.

Undoubtedly signs of a budding patriotism were apparent in the fifteenth century. But they were just that: As Etienne Balibar signals, foundation myths are illusory and frequently retrospective.

The development of a nation is never inevitable; it is only afterward that we imagine a trajectory with a clear teleology.

Second, these events do not of their nature belong to the history of one determinate nation. The national sentiment of the fifteenth century was attached to a figure, the king, not to a nation.

Marie-Luise Heckmann argues that this would have been the language of dynasty. As we have seen, the notion of female complementarity, a view that Isabeau clearly shared with her contemporaries, eased the eventual adoption of Salic Law.

However, Salic Law had not yet been firmly established in Isabella von Bayern dachte und handelte vor allem nach dynastichen Kategorien.

Das gilt auch für den Übergang der französichen Krone an den englischen Prätendenten im Mai Für die Königin war es ebenso vorstellbar, dass ihre Tochter die französische Krone weitergeben könnte, wie dass ihre Sohn das tat.

This was the case for the transfer of the French crown to the English claimant in May For the queen was it equally imaginable that her daughter would pass on the French crown as that her son would do so.

But in , the question of succession was still moot. In fact, the treaty did not succeed at this goal. It is reasonable, then, to consider the ostensible advantages the treaty appeared to offer in One feature of the double monarchy that has not been sufficiently considered, as J.

McKenna argued already in , is that once the reign of Henry V had passed, a French king would sit on the throne of France.

A program of propagandistic genealogical trees was created to support the image of Henry VI as French. In fact, the claim did not take hold in the popular imagination; no one today thinks of Henry VI as French.

But at the time there was no reason not to believe that such would be the case. Nec suo tempore ullus princeps eo sufficiencior, quo ad patriam subigendam et conquirendam, racione policie, prudencie et justicie aliarumque proprietatum in eo existencium videbatur, quamvis divisiones et dissipaciones inter regni Francie principes ad subiciendam patriam quam subjecit ipsum permaxime adjuvarent, quoniam Omne regnum in se divisum, etc.

Firme enim sperabat, ut ante dictum est, liliorum corone sublimari et regno Francie jure hereditario racionibus superius dictis, quamvis minus racionabiliter, succedere.

He firmly hoped, as we have said, to succeed to the crown of fleur-de-lis and the kingdom of France as legal heir, for the reasons stated above, although this was unreasonable.

Yet, he might have appeared likely to succeed, not unreasonably, to Isabeau. Had Henry V lived to old age or had a mentally stable Henry VI ascended the throne, either one might well have been accepted as a French king.

The treaty did not produce the results that Isabeau had hoped. Nor would Henry V have received the moral authority he presumably enjoyed because of the support of the king and queen.

Nonetheless, he would have continued his conquest of France as long as he lived. Buy This Book in Print.

Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide.

Forged from a partnership between a university press and a library, Project MUSE is a trusted part of the academic and scholarly community it serves.

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